Lockheed Martin can no longer directly offer the F-35 to foreign countries; all negotiations for its purchase must go through the US government.

It is highly unlikely that India will ever adopt the F-35 Lightning II, a fifth-generation multirole jet fighter—but that will not be for want of trying on America’s part. Last year, in a meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Washington, DC, President Donald Trump pitched US military hardware to the South Asian nation—now the world’s largest by population.

“We’ll be increasing military sales to India by many billions of dollars. We’re also paving the way to ultimately provide India with the F-35 stealth fighters,” Trump said during a joint news conference with Modi.

Even then, the barriers seemed nearly impossible to overcome. New Delhi maintains close ties with Moscow and remains the largest buyer of Russian military hardware. This includes the S-400 Triumf air defense system—the same anti-aircraft platform that led to Turkey’s expulsion from the program during Trump’s first term.

Yet, the door has remained cracked open just enough to give New Delhi hope that it could somehow acquire the F-35.

“Foreign Military Sales” Are a New Hurdle for India

The door hasn’t been slammed shut exactly. Still, earlier this month, Lockheed Martin confirmed to Indian news outlets that direct talks on any potential sale of the fifth-generation stealth aircraft had been closed, following Washington’s tightening of export controls on the Lightning II.

Under the new rules, the F-35 can no longer be marketed to foreign customers like other military aircraft. Moreover, the aerospace and defense giant cannot privately negotiate the sale of the fighter; any talks must occur directly with the US government under the Foreign Military Sales framework, which requires State Department approval.

In addition, US lawmakers are notified of such potential sales and can object before a deal is concluded.

“Unlike the F-16, Rafale, or Eurofighter Typhoon, the F-35 cannot legally be marketed through ordinary commercial negotiations because the aircraft remains tightly controlled by the United States government,” Defence Security Asia wrote. “Every prospective export customer must first submit a formal Letter of Request before the Pentagon, State Department, and Congress examine whether releasing the platform aligns with American strategic interests.”

Likely to be at issue are the sensitive technologies used on the F-35, including its advanced sensor-fusion software, its stealth coatings, and other low-observable manufacturing methods. As noted, Washington also considers the other systems used by F-35 operators, such as the S-400 air defense system; the US fears that using American fighters in conjunction with Russian air equipment could indirectly help the Kremlin to more accurately judge the flight characteristics of the F-35 and help it to shoot the aircraft down.

Does India Even Want the F-35?

It is unclear whether Trump’s offer of the F-35 to Modi was genuine, and the US leader is well known for making off-the-cuff comments. At roughly the same time, Trump called for Lockheed Martin to produce a twin-engine version of the F-35, stating he doesn’t like single engine aircraft—baffling military analysts, who have noted that it would be nearly impossible to build such an F-35 without redesigning the fighter jet from the ground up.

Another possibility is that Trump was also attempting to sway New Delhi away from the Sukhoi Su-57, an aircraft that Russia has repeatedly offered to India. Rostec, Russia’s military-industrial conglomerate, and its export subsidiary Rosoboronexport have offered technology sharing and co-production of the Su-57 (NATO reporting name “Felon”), which is certainly above and beyond anything the US and Lockheed Martin would ever be willing to provide.

Given these situations, the door may not be closed on any sale of the F-35 to India—but a deal isn’t likely to be closed, either.

About the Author: Peter Suciu

Peter Suciu has contributed to dozens of newspapers, magazines and websites over a 30-year career in journalism. He regularly writes about military hardware, firearms history, cybersecurity, politics, and international affairs. Peter is also a contributing writer for Forbes and Clearance Jobs. He is based in Michigan. You can follow him on Twitter: @PeterSuciu. You can email the author: Editor@nationalinterest.org.

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