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News Every Day |

A Visit to Malaysia’s Taman Negara Raised Unexpected Questions About Belonging

The boat ride begins with a warning from the guide: you will get wet.

At AsiaCamp Resort, on the edge of Malaysia’s Taman Negara National Park, travelers gather in rubber sandals and quick-dry clothes before boarding narrow wooden boats that skim across the muddy Tembeling River. The excursion is called “rapid shooting,” a tourist-friendly name for bouncing through the river’s small rapids at speed. Water splashes over the sides. Everyone laughs.

The trip costs 119 Malaysian ringgit (about $30) and comes as part of a package, including return transport from Kuala Lumpur, the high-speed boat ride through the shallow rapids, and a canopy walk suspended above the rainforest. Tucked inside the itinerary is something more unusual than the rapids and the canopy walk: a stop at a Batek village, deep inside one of the world’s oldest rainforests. 

Taman Negara, a vast protected area spanning three Malaysian states, is estimated to be around 130 million years old, predating the Himalayas. The park shelters Malayan tigers, Asian elephants and sun bears, and dense jungle ecosystems of extraordinary age. But it is also home to people who have lived within these forests for thousands of years. Among them are the Batek, part of the Orang Asli, a Malay term meaning “original people,” which encompasses the 18 distinct Indigenous groups of Peninsular Malaysia.

I had come to Taman Negara specifically to meet them. A guide on a food tour in Kuala Lumpur had mentioned an Indigenous population living deep inside the national park. I booked the excursion soon after.

As a Black British woman of Nigerian descent, I had long been curious about certain Indigenous populations across Southeast Asia and parts of Oceania. These are communities whose tightly curled hair, darker skin tones and facial features have prompted comparisons with sub-Saharan African populations for centuries. Those comparisons, however, are misleading. Genetic research confirms that similar physical features emerged through convergent evolution—parallel adaptations to similar rainforest environments rather than shared ancestry. The Batek language belongs to the Aslian branch of the Austroasiatic family, a linguistic lineage entirely separate from the major language families of Africa. Still, the visual resemblance had fascinated me, and I had wondered what it might feel like to stand inside it.

When the boat slowed and the engine cut, the jungle suddenly felt enormous and quiet. Our driver was Batek, a young man from the village we were about to enter. He cut the engine and waited in silence as we filed out onto the muddy bank, then followed our guide along a narrow path into the trees.

The encounter lasted perhaps 30 minutes. What stayed with me was not what happened, but what didn’t.

Before traveling, I had imagined the meeting might carry some emotional charge. I am not sure exactly what I expected—some flicker of curiosity, perhaps, some mutual recognition across the distance. Instead, the moment felt strikingly ordinary. The villagers observed us politely, but without particular interest. Demonstrations followed: blowpipe hunting, fire-making with rattan, handcrafted items passed between hands. With no shared language and no interpreter, we communicated through gestures, nods, and the guide’s partial translations. 

Whatever curiosity I felt was not mirrored back. I had half-expected that our shared appearance might register even a fraction of my own intrigue and that I might be perceived as something other than just another tourist, that one of them might linger on my face a moment longer than the others. None of that happened. The villagers observed us all with the same courteous detachment.

The women and children had gathered away from the group, going about their own business by their thatched shelters at the edge of the clearing. I walked toward them. A woman stood with a young girl at her side. I wanted, so badly, to ask her something, not about technique or tradition, but about what this daily stream of visitors felt like from where she was standing. Whether it was intrusive, or merely tedious. Whether she ever tired of being someone else’s discovery. Whether she had ever looked at a visitor and seen something of herself looking back. 

I asked nothing. 

I gestured, asking permission to photograph her, and she agreed, without much interest. She held my gaze steadily as I took the shot, neither welcoming nor unwelcoming. Her indifference was not unkind. It was simply accurate. I was a stranger who had crossed the clearing toward her, and the fact that we might share certain features—however meaningful or meaningless—was entirely my preoccupation, not hers.

As we walked back toward the river, I realized the encounter had quietly dismantled one of my assumptions. Physical resemblance had led me to imagine a kind of instant kinship. Kinship, of course, does not work that way. The vast, particular distance between any two human lives that do not share a language, a history, or even a reason to reach for each other cannot be resolved through mere resemblance alone.

The contrast sharpened months later when I visited the Aeta people near Angeles in the Philippines, another Indigenous community often grouped within the broader Negrito category. Most of the people in the village I had visited were of mixed heritage, speaking Tagalog with some English. Conversations flowed easily. I even met a young boy of half-Nigerian, half-Aeta heritage. That meeting felt warmer, more reciprocal—but it didn’t resolve my earlier curiosity so much as reframe it. What made that encounter feel like genuine contact wasn’t appearance. It was language and the simple possibility of conversation.

Back in Taman Negara, the Batek man who’d steered the boat upriver greeted us for our return journey to the mainland, moving the engine handle with easy familiarity. He smiled when I caught his eye. Work like this—boating, selling crafts to visitors, demonstrations for tips—represents the community’s main income from tourism, though how much of the tour fee paid to the operator reaches them directly remains unclear. Like many commercial Indigenous encounters, the economics are opaque. 

The exchange had been, in many ways, anticlimactic. I was not met with an instant embrace as though I was long-lost family, nor was I singled out as anyone even remotely noteworthy. And yet something had shifted. The absence of the recognition I’d expected had forced more uncomfortable questions: what had I actually been looking for? And what did it say about me that I’d expected to find it here? I left without answers, but left thinking all the same, which, it turned out, was more than I’d bargained for.

Ria.city






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