Closing Air Spaces and Cracking Alliances: Trump’s Growing Problem with Allies

With the Iran War groaning along, the Trump administration is getting increasingly indignant.  Plumes of childish anger can be seen coming out of the White House and Pentagon.  Having joined an illegal, joint enterprise with Israel in attacking Iran, allies are proving increasingly unwilling to play along.

That unwillingness gurgled to the top with Spain’s announcement on March 30 that it had closed its airspace to US aircraft participating in strikes on Iran.  This added to Madrid’s decision earlier in the month to deny the US military access to its bases for military operations against Tehran.  “We don’t authorise either the use of military bases or the use of airspace for actions related to the war in Iran,” Defence Minister Margarita Robles told reporters.  Spain’s Economy Minister Carlos Cuerpo, in an interview with radio Cadena SER, called the move consistent and “part of the decision already made by the Spanish government not to participate in or contribute to a war which was initiated unilaterally and against international law.”

The government of Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez has been singularly pertinacious in its characterisation of the Iran War, and more broadly illustrative of the current bad blood in transatlantic relations.  In a piece for The Economist, Sánchez wrote of his country’s misplaced support for Washington in February 2003 when the then US Secretary of State, Colin Powell, told the UN Security Council most gravely that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction, and needed to be attacked.   The foolishly credulous Spanish Prime Minister at the time, José María Aznar, was convinced that the regime of Saddam Hussein had such weapons.  “Today we face a similar situation, and my government’s position is the same as that voiced by Spanish society two decades ago: NO TO WAR.  No to the unilateral violation of international law.  No to repeating the mistakes of the past.  No to the idea that the world’s problems can be solved with bombs.”

Italian authorities have also expressed displeasure at the presumptuousness of their US allies in taking liberties with their military facilities.  In a March 31 report by Corriere della Sera, “several US bombers” that had intended to land at Sigonella air base on route to the Middle East were refused as they had not properly requested authorisation or consulted with the Italian military.  A statement from Palazzo Chigi, the office of Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, reiterated that Italy “acts in full compliance with existing international agreements and with the policy guidelines expressed by the Government to Parliament”.

Other allies are openly rebuffing requests by US officials to secure additional military equipment to the Gulf.  Critical here are air-defence systems such as the Patriot batteries that have been dramatically depleted since the outbreak of hostilities.  In the first 16 days of the war, some 1,285 PAC-3 Patriot missiles were used by the US military and Gulf states.

The Polish Defence Minister, Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz could not have been clearer in his statement on whether Poland’s complement of Patriot air defence systems would make their way to the Middle East.  “Our Patriot batteries and their armaments are used to protect Polish airspace and NATO’s eastern flank.  Nothing is changing in this regard, and we have no plans to move them anywhere!”  Fellow allies understood “the importance of our tasks here.  Poland’s security is an absolute priority.”

As has become customary, US President Donald Trump has led the growls of grievance, billowing with anger on Truth Social about the reluctance of European partners to throw in their lot in what is, at best, a criminal enterprise.  On the issue of depleted jet fuel supplies restricted by the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, he brusquely suggested to his allies that they could purchase supplies from the US (“we have plenty”) and “build up some delayed courage, go to the Strait, and just TAKE IT.”  With a demented paternalism, he went on to declare that “You’ll have to start learning how to fight for yourself, the USA won’t be there to help you anymore, just like you weren’t there for us.”  With typically strained logic, he went on to suggest that any assistance would be minor, in any case, as Iran had been “decimated”. “The hard part is done.  Go get your own oil!”

Special mention was made of mulishness on the part of the UK (“which refused to get involved in the decapitation of Iran”) and France.  France, for instance, had refused to permit planes carrying military supplies destined for Israel to fly over French territory.  “France has been VERY UNHELPFUL with respect to the ‘Butcher of Iran’, who has been successfully eliminated.  The U.S.A. will REMEMBER!!!”.

Soon afterwards, a comically crazed and increasingly God loving Pete Hegseth struck a similar note in the Pentagon.  “A lot has been laid bare, a lot has been shown to the world about what our allies would be willing to do for the United States of America,” grumbled the Secretary of Defense (he prefers War) to reporters.  “When we undertake an effort of this scope on behalf of the free world, these are missiles that don’t even range the United States of America, they range allies and others and yet, when we ask for additional assistance or simple access… we get questions or roadblocks or hesitation.”

In his March 30 interview with Al Jazeera, Secretary of State Marco Rubio was also brimming with complaints.  “If NATO is just about us defending Europe if they’re attacked but then denying us basic rights when we need them, that’s not a very good arrangement.  That’s a hard one to stay engaged in and say this is good for the United States.”  All this called for a reassessment.  “All of it’s going to have to be re-examined.”  The re-examination, notably judging from the temper of European states, is proving increasingly reciprocal and, in some circles, even welcome.

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