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News Every Day |

Policing The Plate: The Politics Of Texas’ New SNAP Restrictions

Source: Smith Collection/Gado / Getty

The State of Texas is getting ready to turn its grocery aisles into sites of state surveillance for its most vulnerable residents. Beginning April 1, 2026, new restrictions on Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) benefits will dictate exactly what families can and can’t place in their shopping carts. 

The state is banning items labeled as “candy” and “sweetened drinks” that have five grams or more of added sugar. Lawmakers are framing the change as part of the broader “Make America Healthy Again push, but this isn’t just a conversation about nutrition. What these rules really signal is a move toward monitoring the choices of families struggling with poverty—particularly the Black households that disproportionately rely on these life-sustaining benefits.

It’s clear that when politicians debate what goes into a low-income family’s grocery bag, they are pushing a paternalistic narrative. They want us to believe that poverty is a result of  “poor personal choices,” and not systemic design. This logic suggests that if we just stop “allowing” poor folks to buy a bag of chips or a soda, we’ll magically fix health disparities. It’s a convenient distraction, yes, but by hyper-focusing on an individual’s food consumption, the state dodges accountability for structural barriers—like the fact that Black adults face food insecurity rates nearly double those of white adults—that make “healthy eating” a luxury.

The reality of food insecurity in Texas is grounded in what advocates call a “geography of exclusion.” Too often, people are quick to judge what someone buys with their Lone Star Card without ever asking where they’re forced to shop. Texas currently leads the nation in low-income, low-access food deserts, affecting roughly 4.9 million Texans. This disparity is starkly racialized: national research shows that white neighborhoods have four times as many supermarkets as predominantly Black neighborhoods.

When your only options for grocery shopping are a corner store or a dollar store, your diet becomes much more of a survival strategy than a personal choice. To impose a ban in these environments means punishing people for the lack of infrastructure that the state has failed to provide. If the nearest grocery store requires two bus transfers and a three-hour round trip, a parent is going to prioritize shelf-stable goods that can be purchased closer to home. In this context, a policy of restriction is less a measure of public health and more a tax on the time and tenacity of those the state has already abandoned, very likely in a number of ways.

The 2026 restrictions outlined in Senate Bill 379 go far beyond a simple soda ban. The technical definitions create a maze for both shoppers and retailers. “Sweetened drinks” now include any beverage containing five grams of added sugar or any amount of artificial sweetener. This effectively removes:

  • Most Sodas: Including “Zero Sugar” and diet versions.
  • Energy and Sports Drinks: Staples like Gatorade or Powerade.
  • Tea and Fruit “Drinks”: Anything with less than 50% real juice.
  • “Candied” Snacks: Nuts, raisins, or dried fruits glazed in chocolate or yogurt.

These changes will create a “vicious as vultures” atmosphere at store checkouts. Cashiers will be forced to reject items in real time, turning the checkout line into a public audit that strips shoppers of their dignity.

What’s even worse is that these restrictions open a dangerous door to further state overreach. By letting the government define what is “unhealthy” enough to be banned, we set a precedent for even more invasive limits. Early versions of this legislation already tried to include potato chips and cookies on the banned list. Once this system is built, it’s easy for lawmakers to add white bread, red meat, or any other food items they don’t think poor people should be able to purchase on the state’s “dime.” At that point, these kinds of bans function as a digital food rationing system designed to control people rather than support them.

Speaking of support, research from the University of Michigan shows that these kinds of food restrictions don’t actually improve health; they just increase the stigma people feel around receiving aid. Shame is a poor motivator. And when we restrict SNAP spending, we don’t magically lower the price of fresh fruit or move a grocery store into a disinvested neighborhood.

If Texas lawmakers were truly committed to the health and wellness of children and families, the focus would be on incentives rather than bans. Programs like Double Up Food Bucks match SNAP dollars spent on fresh produce, and the results are undeniable:

  • Increased Intake: Participants in Healthy Incentive Programs (HIP) consume 26% more fruits and vegetables than those who aren’t in the program.
  • Dignity: Unlike bans, incentives empower people to choose healthier food options by making them more accessible.

Viewing these benefit changes through a social and food justice lens requires us to admit that “underserved” neighborhoods where healthy food options are severely limited are the result of “food apartheid”—a history of intentional disinvestment in Black communities. True public health policy would focus on real solutions, like investing in community-owned markets and cooperatives.

The question we must ask ourselves is this: do we want a healthy society, or do we just want a compliant one? If we want the former, we have to stop shaming people and be clear that healthy living requires resources, not just more rules. Until we address the fact that healthy food is priced as a premium product that people who live above the poverty line are struggling to afford, these SNAP restrictions are nothing more than a performance of forced discipline. 

It’s time to move toward a future of “yes” in Texas—yes to access, yes to dignity, and yes to the radical idea that people know how to take care of themselves without excessive governmental oversight.

Josie Pickens is an educator, writer, cultural critic, and abolitionist strategist and organizer. She is the director of upEND Movement, a national movement dedicated to abolishing the family policing system.

SEE ALSO:

When The Government Starves Us: How SNAP Cuts Target Black Survival

Why The Food Stamp Fraud Case Of A Michigan Mother Matters

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