Who wants to be a Cook County judge? Not many.

On paper, Cook County circuit judge is a great job. They make $258,000 a year, hold extraordinary power, and almost never get fired or even disciplined.

But fewer and fewer attorneys are seeking the post.

For the second straight judicial primary election, less than half of the seats up for grabs March 17 drew more than one candidate, continuing a decadeslong slide in competition. Observers have cited factors including the cost of campaigning, increased public scrutiny on judicial elections, and a Democratic Party that dominates local politics and discourages competition against its chosen candidates.

The result? Candidates in 16 of the 28 circuit court races are virtually assured to breeze onto the bench, where they could decide who goes to prison, holds a driver’s license, or keeps their kids. Some candidates on a glide path have liabilities that might hurt them in a contested race, including one with an arrest record, one with a history of failing to pay income taxes, and one who only recently moved to Cook County.

All four vacancies in the 13th subcircuit — which covers the far Northwest suburbs — are uncontested.

The candidate for one of those seats is Brittany Michelle Pedersen, who has been charged with driving under the influence three times, though one case was dismissed and two were reduced to reckless driving. Pedersen ran unsuccessfully for judge in Kane County in 2020 and 2022, receiving negative ratings from the Illinois State Bar Association, before moving in with her mother in Cook County and running again.

She told Injustice Watch, “I believe that people deserve second chances, and third chances, and maybe sometimes a fourth.”

In past years, candidates who won a Democratic primary in the northwest suburbs might have faced a Republican challenger in the November general election. But this year, not a single Republican filed to run for judge in Cook County.

That leaves a lot of power in the hands of the Cook County Democratic Party. The party itself only endorses candidates in countywide races — five circuit judge hopefuls this cycle — but its leaders wield influence in the more numerous races in the subcircuits, geographic districts where voters pick judges to serve the whole county. Historically, party officials have worked to eliminate competition for their favored candidates.

Quality over quantity

Cook County Democratic Party Chair Toni Preckwinkle said in an interview that she wants a diverse, qualified group of candidates, not simply a crowded field.

“My concern is really quality, not quantity. I want good candidates who get good bar ratings and to be able to choose among them,” she said. “It's not so much the number, but who — judged by their peers — is likely to be good on the bench.”

Though the field of candidates is small, voters will decide 12 contested races — two for countywide posts and the rest in the subcircuits. Primaries are crucial to determining the direction of the local court system because the absence of Republican candidates means Democrats who emerge from the primary are virtually assured to win the general election in November. Once elected, judges rarely face removal by voters — or even discipline for misconduct.

Some notable contested races include:

• A countywide race between former Cook County Board of Review Commissioner Michael Cabonargi, a well-connected appointed judge trailed by ethical questions and campaign finance violations, and private attorney Ashonta C. Rice.

• A three-way race in the 19th subcircuit, which takes in Chicago’s Beverly neighborhood and nearby Southwest Suburbs, including John Harkins, who has scant legal experience but powerful connections. He’s backed by 19th Ward Chicago Ald. Matt O’Shea, his brother-in-law, and his boss, Sheriff Tom Dart. He faces Dave Condron, a lawyer for the city of Chicago with about 25 years of legal experience, and Monica Somerville, a lawyer who has twice been terminated from jobs at government agencies.

• Two contested races for seats in the 1st subcircuit, which stretches along the lakefront from the Loop to 103rd Street. One of those has been a lively neighborhood campaign between appointed Judge Ginger Odom, Cook County Assistant Public Defender Ashley Greer Shambley and Tiffany N. Brooks, who has held numerous jobs in city and county government.
  

Injustice Watch reporters also found many candidates with thick family ties to the court. Stephanie S. Kelly, who is running unopposed in the 5th subcircuit on Chicago’s South Side, is married to Judge David L. Kelly. In the northwest suburban 13th subcircuit, William F. Kelley is set to become the third Kelley to serve as a Cook County judge, following in the footsteps of brothers Martin, who died in 2024, and Thomas, who retired last year. Dan Balanoff, who is running in the 8th subcircuit that runs from the North Side to the South Side west of the Loop, is the son and grandson of former Cook County judges.

But the most noticeable thing about the field is its small size.

For the second straight cycle, the percentage of circuit court races that drew only one candidate was about 57%, higher than any year going back to at least 2006, an Injustice Watch analysis of state elections data found. Between 2006 and 2014, an average of 3.2 candidates ran for every circuit court seat. The past two election cycles, an average of 1.6 candidates have turned out for each race.

“It is certainly a problem for our democracy that voters do not have a choice between candidates in many elections,” said E.J. Fagan, an associate professor of political science at the University of Illinois Chicago.

No ironclad explanation exists, but candidates, consultants and others experienced with local elections have cited a host of factors that might be driving down competition in judicial races — a trend Injustice Watch also detailed during the last primary. Those include the expense that can come with campaigning and increased public focus on the races, as well as the withering of the Cook County Republican Party. And while a judge’s salary might be a pay boost for a government lawyer — a mainstay of judicial elections — plenty of private lawyers would be volunteering for a pay cut.

‘Road to the Robe’ training

The Democrats’ endorsement process has changed significantly with the decline of the patronage system and exit of white, Irish kingmakers who anointed loyal candidates. Preckwinkle said the party now tries to bring out a robust field of good attorneys from varying backgrounds through its free “Road to the Robe” training sessions with candidates and preliminary endorsement process.

Asked whether party leaders prefer limited competition to clear the way for their chosen candidates, she said, “If we were trying to discourage competition, we wouldn't have the ‘Road to the Robe.’ We wouldn't be out there providing people with information about what goes on in the process, both elections and in slating.”

Preckwinkle said some candidates might stay out of the races because of the party’s recent emphasis on picking those with solid bar ratings. Those positive ratings are elusive for some hopefuls, as local bar associations can be tough on inexperienced candidates.

“We've had progressively more success as we have both insisted on good bar ratings and become more inclusive. I think those things have gone in tandem and they’ve contributed to the party’s success in electing our candidates,” she said.

The spotlight on judicial elections is also hotter now. Activists over the last decade have waged successful campaigns to push judges off the bench and others lost amid scandals. Meanwhile, publications started to highlight the races, including the Injustice Watch election guide and the Girl, I Guess Progressive Voter guide.

That focus on the quality of candidates might have the effect of scaring some people away from running, said Elizabeth Monkus, who oversees the judicial candidate evaluation process for the Chicago Council of Lawyers.

“As the public becomes more aware of the importance of judicial elections, it unfortunately makes people more reluctant to put the effort into it,” she said. “It’s seen as more political and professional than it used to be in terms of what you have to do.”

Injustice Watch staff contributed reporting.