From Ferguson to Floyd: The Evolution of America’s Marginalization of White Men
A recent article by Jacob Savage, The Lost Generation, explores how, through diversity hiring and similar DEI and woke initiatives, American society has waged a war on white males for the past few decades. This has included discrimination in jobs, promotions, and school admissions, as well as making white men fair game for attacks in media, television shows, and films. If the same treatment were directed at women or other ethnic groups, it would be considered racism.
Savage identifies the 2014 Ferguson incident, in which a white police officer shot a black suspect in self-defense, as the hinge point that transformed isolated events into a unifying moral narrative, sparking riots nationwide and accelerating the systematic marginalization of white men. From 2015 to 2016, additional police shootings reinforced the same framework. In 2017, the #MeToo movement added a gender dimension, further entrenching identity-based interpretations of law, law enforcement, and economic and biological realities.
In 2020, the fentanyl overdose death of career criminal George Floyd was reframed as definitive proof of systemic racism in what became known as the “racial reckoning.” That moment did not create a new narrative but pushed Ferguson-era assumptions into overdrive, hardening them into the assertion that white men were not only oppressive, but inferior.
The corporate and federal responses following George Floyd were immediate and expansive. Corporations pledged more than $12 billion to address racial inequality, committed $80 billion to support minority suppliers, and announced a combined $50 billion in racial equity initiatives, though research by Creative Investment Research later found that only about $250 million was actually spent.
Walmart pledged $100 million to its Center for Racial Equity, which was later retired in 2024. Target committed $10 million to racial equity organizations. In 2021 alone, the United States spent an estimated $3.8 billion on DEI training.
Mandatory workplace training programs expanded rapidly following the George Floyd period, particularly in the corporate and public sectors. Implicit bias training became standard at major companies, while concepts drawn from critical race theory were incorporated into required employee education.
Anti-racism programs were made mandatory for both workers and managers, introducing frameworks such as white privilege, systemic racism, unconscious bias, intersectionality, positionality, and racial humility. Although these programs were marketed under benevolent names and framed as moral imperatives, their content often diverged sharply from their stated purpose.
In practice, many of these initiatives functioned as ideological indoctrination rather than neutral education. Employees were frequently required to accept collective guilt based on race or sex, acknowledge complicity in oppression they had not committed, or affirm ideological claims as a condition of continued employment.
In some cases, participants were pressured to make public confessions of inherent racism, write apology letters to women or people of color, or participate in racially segregated training sessions. Because these programs were imposed in the workplace, employees had no meaningful ability to opt out without risking termination or career damage.
One of the most widely documented cases occurred at Sandia National Laboratories, a federal contractor responsible for nuclear weapons design. In 2019, white male executives were sent to a mandatory multi-day training in which they were instructed to associate “white male culture” with extremism, publicly recite privilege statements, and ultimately write apology letters for their alleged privilege. When an employee objected and circulated a video criticizing the training, he was placed on administrative leave and subjected to a security review. The incident prompted a Department of Energy investigation and congressional scrutiny, leading to a suspension of the program.
Similar controversies emerged in the private sector. Coca-Cola employees were exposed to training materials instructing participants to “try to be less white,” while Disney circulated DEI documents promoting racial preference frameworks and rejecting race-neutral principles. In the public sector, state and municipal employees challenged mandatory trainings that they alleged required forced confessions of racism, racially essentialist language, and acceptance of ideological premises under threat of discipline. Federal courts in cases involving Minnesota, Seattle, and Pennsylvania State University warned that such practices risk violating Title VII and the First Amendment by compelling speech and creating hostile work environments.
What made these programs particularly coercive was the absence of any real choice. Refusal could be interpreted as proof of bias, “fragility,” or noncompliance, triggering further discipline or termination. Employees were placed in a no-win position: comply with compelled speech that violated conscience, religious belief, or dignity, or lose their livelihood. Courts and federal agencies have increasingly recognized that mandatory confessions, racial stereotyping, and ideological enforcement can constitute unlawful discrimination and retaliation, regardless of the stated intentions behind the programs.
Despite billions of dollars spent annually on DEI training, research cited in litigation and policy reviews shows little evidence that mandatory programs reduce bias or improve relations. In many cases, they appear to increase resentment, harden stereotypes, and deepen division. What was presented as inclusion often operated as coercion, transforming workplaces into environments of ideological enforcement rather than equal treatment under the law.
Higher education followed a similar path. More than 230 colleges and universities implemented mandatory CRT-related programs. At least 149 institutions required mandatory faculty and staff training, 138 imposed school-wide curricular requirements, and 109 colleges required mandatory training for students. Examples included the University of Pittsburgh’s required course “Anti-Black Racism: History, Ideology and Resistance,” Western New England University’s required “Anti-Racism and Cultural Competency” course, and the University of Central Florida’s requirement that all hiring committees undergo implicit bias training.
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