The despot next door: King Mswati’s greed and repression are a growing threat to southern Africa

King Mswati III of Swaziland (which he now prefers to call eSwatini) rules over a country in deep political and economic crisis. 

He ascended to the throne in 1986 after a disputed selection process carried out by a powerful cabal led by Prince Mfanasibili and the Liqoqo (king’s advisory council), during the interregnum following King Sobhuza II’s death. 

As a young crown prince, Makhosetive Dlamini was sent to the UK to be educated and groomed for leadership. But instead of preparing for the responsibilities ahead, he gained a reputation for truancy and a fondness for squash over study. Today, King Mswati presides over a nation in distress — one wracked by repression and inequality.

Mswati is internationally notorious for his opulence: multiple wives, palaces, a fleet of luxury cars, two customised jets and a lavish lifestyle supported by one of the most unequal economies in the world.

His personal extravagance stands in stark contrast to the poverty of the 1.2 million people he rules over — subjects, rather than citizens, under an absolute monarchy. 

As of 2023, approximately 59% of the population lives below the poverty line, with 29% experiencing extreme poverty. The unemployment rate has surged to 35%, with youth unemployment alarmingly high at 56% as of March 2023.

Under his rule, Swaziland has become a private estate for the royal family. With sweeping executive, legislative and judicial powers, the king holds an estimated 90% stake in the national economy. He is listed by Forbes as having a personal fortune of around $200 million. 

Although this wealth is officially held “in trust” for the nation, in reality it is used almost exclusively for the benefit of the royal household. He maintains financial interests in all major sectors of the economy, while the population sinks deeper into poverty.

In 2014, King Mswati flew in American singer Erykah Badu to perform at his 46th birthday celebration. On 19 April, he will mark his 57th birthday. Once again, public money will be used to stage a lavish celebration. 

Meanwhile, pensioners have seen their state grants rise by just R100, even as the cost of living continues to climb. Water, electricity, fuel and other essentials are becoming more expensive as the state expands its tax base. The king, by contrast, has seen his salary increase by R55 million in 2025 alone, bringing the total cost of his upkeep to the public purse to R1.4 billion.

This is not merely a matter of inequality. Swaziland is a dictatorship. Political parties have been banned for 52 years. Freedom of speech, association and assembly are denied.

The country is ruled through intimidation and force, with the security services — and a mercenary contingent stationed near the capital — deployed to suppress protest. Opposition figures are regularly jailed, assassinated or driven into exile. Independent journalists are silenced or forced out of the country, most often to South Africa, in order to continue their work.

The scale of repression under King Mswati intensified dramatically following mass protests that erupted across the country in 2021 and 2022. Sparked by demands for democratic reform and justice following the death of a university student at the hands of police, the unrest saw tens of thousands take to the streets in what became the largest uprising in Swaziland’s post-independence history. 

The regime responded with lethal force — dozens of protesters were killed, hundreds injured and many more arrested. In the aftermath, key leaders of the democratic movement were targeted, harassed and forced into hiding. 

The most chilling signal of the regime’s intolerance came in January 2023 with the assassination of Thulani Maseko — a respected human rights lawyer and outspoken critic of the monarchy — who was shot dead in his home. Maseko had long warned that meaningful reform in Swaziland would require sustained international pressure on the regime. His killing sent a clear message that no dissent would be tolerated.

There is growing evidence that Mswati’s regime has begun building a surveillance state to tighten control over dissent. In recent years, reports have emerged that the government has sought to acquire Israeli-developed cellphone hacking and interception tools, allegedly with the assistance of private firms. 

Leaked communications suggest that the king’s son, Prince Sicalo, played a direct role in efforts to procure surveillance technology capable of monitoring calls, reading text messages and tracking opposition figures. While the state has denied using military-grade spyware, these denials carry little weight given the regime’s long record of repression. The move toward digital surveillance marks a new phase in the monarchy’s campaign to silence dissent and crush demands for democracy.

And yet the region, particularly South Africa, has remained largely passive in the face of these abuses. 

Mswati’s authoritarian influence is not confined to Swaziland. In recent years, he has become an increasingly disruptive force in the region.

In South Africa, his growing influence is visible in the dramatic decline of the ANC, which lost its parliamentary majority for the first time in 2024. It is widely believed that the uMkhonto weSizwe party, led by former president Jacob Zuma, received clandestine support from Mswati. 

In September 2024, Mswati took Nomcebo Zuma, the 21-year-old daughter of former president Jacob Zuma, as one of his wives. The marriage followed a reported lobola of R2 million and 100 cattle.

Many see the union as a calculated move to cement a growing political alliance between two figures with a shared interest in shielding themselves from accountability. 

With Zuma leading a reactionary project in South Africa, and Mswati increasingly interfering in regional politics, their personal ties are now entangled with a broader political project aimed at undermining democratic institutions across southern Africa.

South Africa must also take responsibility for enabling Mswati. For decades, the Swazi monarchy has enjoyed the economic buffer provided by South Africa through the Southern African Customs Union, which accounts for over 40% of Swaziland’s national budget. In return, the king has often acted in ways that directly undermine Pretoria’s foreign policy. 

While South Africa expelled the Taiwanese representative office, Swaziland remains the only African country that recognises Taiwan as an independent state. While South Africa leads a legal and diplomatic effort to hold Israel accountable at the International Court of Justice, Swaziland is preparing to host an Israeli embassy — a direct rebuke to President Cyril Ramaphosa’s government.

These are not isolated acts. Swaziland is actively seeking a larger role in continental governance structures, including the African Union’s Peace and Security Council — a body meant to promote democratic norms and protect human rights. That such a deeply undemocratic state can seek legitimacy through these institutions is alarming.

The world is entering a period of profound instability. The global resurgence of far-right populism, especially under the influence of figures like US President Donald Trump, is already reshaping international politics. 

In southern Africa, Mswati embodies many of the same authoritarian tendencies. Whether Pretoria will continue to indulge his behaviour remains to be seen. But one thing is clear — the time for quiet tolerance is over. Confronting the despot next door is now a regional imperative.

Velaphi Mamba is a Swazi political activist and a scholar affiliated with Harvard University.