Federal prosecutors rest their case against Illinois' once-powerful speaker, Michael Madigan

Federal prosecutors rested their case Wednesday against former Illinois House Speaker Michael J. Madigan, the once-powerful Southwest Side Democrat whose reign in Springfield shattered records but ended amid a wide-ranging corruption investigation.

Now, six years after that investigation first surfaced publicly — and almost three years after Madigan’s indictment — federal authorities have made their case against one of the most significant politicians in Illinois history.

It’s a crucial moment that shifts Madigan’s trial into a new phase. Defense attorneys for the former speaker and his longtime confidant, Michael McClain, will get a chance to summon their own witnesses to testify before the jury. It also means closing arguments and deliberations may not be far off — but neither is expected until after the holidays.

Minutes after prosecutors wrapped their case, U.S. District Judge John Blakey told jurors "we're going to begin the defense case. My understanding is Mr. McClain's counsel will go first." Then, McClain attorney John Mitchell summoned former AT&T Illinois lobbyist Steve Selcke to the stand.

Selcke testified in September during the separate trial of ex-AT&T Illinois President Paul La Schiazza. That trial ended with a hung jury, though, and Selcke's testimony in that case was seen as problematic. He testified about $22,500 the utility paid to former state Rep. Edward "Eddie" Acevedo after Acevedo left the Illinois General Assembly in 2017.

Prosecutors say AT&T paid that money to Acevedo, a Madigan ally, so that Madigan would look favorably at legislation that was crucial to AT&T. However, when asked by a prosecutor in September whether Acevedo's hiring was "in any way related to" AT&T's legislative priority, Selcke said "in my mind, no, it wasn't."

5 schemes alleged in 117-page indictment

Madigan and McClain are on trial for a racketeering conspiracy, outlined in a sweeping 117-page indictment alleging five separate schemes. At its core, the indictment accuses Madigan of leading the criminal “Madigan Enterprise,” designed to enhance his political power and reward his allies and associates. McClain is accused of acting as Madigan’s agent.

A jury of eight women and four men heard from about 50 witnesses since late October. Secret FBI recordings have taken them back as many as 10 years, deep into City Hall and inside Madigan’s private law offices. They listened to more than 20 hours of testimony from ex-Ald. Danny Solis, one of the most significant undercover moles recruited by the FBI in decades.

They heard about Solis' excessive dirty laundry, including tales involving him and Viagra, massages that turned sexual, alleged tax fraud and a suitcase full of $10,000 in “Chinese money.”

They also heard testimony and evidence about an “old-fashioned patronage system” and Madigan's “good soldiers,” and how McClain tried to keep allies in the “fox hole” with Madigan while trying to keep the speaker's “fingerprints” off political maneuvering.

The schemes allegedly took place between 2011 and 2019, when Illinois and Chicago were led by politicians of the past including former Gov. Bruce Rauner and ex-Mayor Rahm Emanuel. While neither man is accused of wrongdoing, jurors heard the names of several others who have graced federal courtrooms in Chicago.

They included former Ald. Edward M. Burke, the late state Sen. Martin Sandoval, and former state Rep. Luis Arroyo.

Revelations in the Madigan case ranged from news of an unfruitful wiretap on the phone of Solis’ sister — Hillary Clinton 2008 campaign manager Patti Solis Doyle — to the appearance on a secret FBI video of a punching bag with Rauner’s face on it inside Madigan's office.

In short, the jury got an upfront and uncensored look at behind-the-scenes politics in Illinois.

Soon, they will be asked if they see a crime.

Defense up next

Before that happens, jurors will hear again from the Madigan defense team that includes Tom Breen. He told jurors in opening statements that prosecutors have it all wrong. Madigan, he said, was “completely ignorant of what people are saying behind his back.”

That seemed to be a reference to McClain, who was viewed as Madigan’s emissary in Springfield.

“They don’t have the authority to speak that way for Michael Madigan,” Breen said. “He doesn’t talk that way. He doesn’t act that way. He’s never made a demand on anyone.”

Madigan seems to have paid close attention to testimony throughout the trial, watching and taking notes from his seat at a defense table. Members of his family, including former Illinois Attorney General Lisa Madigan, have often appeared in the courtroom gallery in a show of support.

ComEd, AT&T and Madigan’s law firm

Two of the five schemes outlined in Madigan’s indictment allege that he accepted bribes from ComEd and AT&T Illinois in the form of jobs, contracts and money for his allies while legislation crucial to the utilities moved through Springfield. McClain has already been convicted for his role in the ComEd allegations.

Prosecutors say that five Madigan allies were paid $1.3 million by ComEd over eight years. The money was paid through intermediaries, but the recipients allegedly did little or no work for ComEd. They were former Alds. Frank Olivo and Michael R. Zalewski, former Cook County Recorder of Deeds Edward Moody, longtime Madigan campaign worker Raymond Nice and Acevedo.

That's in addition to the $22,500 AT&T Illinois paid Acevedo, also through an intermediary.

The other three alleged schemes involved Solis, who by 2017 had represented Chicago’s 25th Ward on the City Council for more than two decades and had risen to become the powerful head of its Zoning Committee. However, the FBI confronted him with evidence of his own alleged wrongdoing in June 2016, and he agreed to wear a secret wire.

The Chicago Sun-Times unmasked Solis in January 2019.

Prosecutors say Madigan took advantage of Solis’ position to steer private business to his law firm, Madigan & Getzendanner, in schemes that involved an apartment project at Sangamon Street and Washington Boulevard, a Chinatown parking lot at Cermak Road and Wentworth Avenue, and the Old Post Office that sits over the Eisenhower Expressway.

The apartment developers agreed to hire Madigan’s firm, and jurors saw a check for $3,331 the group paid to Madigan & Getzendanner. The Old Post Office developers also agreed to hire the firm, but the scheme fell apart amid the Sun-Times’ reporting on Solis. The Chinatown effort collapsed on its own, amid political infighting in Springfield.

The Enterprise

However, at least two other individuals also benefited from Madigan’s alleged criminal enterprise. One is Kevin Quinn, a onetime Madigan aide who lost his job early in 2018 while being accused of sexual harassment by political consultant Alaina Hampton.

Jurors heard a secret FBI recording of McClain telling former Madigan staffer Will Cousineau he hoped to convince people “to kick in a grand each … for six months” to help Kevin Quinn get by while he looked for work. Kevin Quinn is the brother of Ald. Marty Quinn (13th).

Cousineau testified that Kevin Quinn wound up working for Cousineau’s lobbying firm, Cornerstone Government Affairs, and he was paid. Another former Madigan staffer, Tom Cullen, acknowledged that he also made $6,000 in payments to Kevin Quinn at McClain's request.

Another who benefited from Madigan’s alleged enterprise is the former speaker’s son: Andrew Madigan. Prosecutors tied $43,000 that Andrew Madigan made through his job at Alliant Insurance between 2019 and 2021 to an August 2018 conversation between Michael Madigan and Solis.

Solis sought help from Michael Madigan in June 2018 landing a paid seat on a government board as part of an FBI ruse. During a follow-up conversation about the board seat on Aug. 2, 2018, Solis promised the speaker, “I’m gonna help you.” Michael Madigan replied, “don’t worry about it.”

But moments later, Michael Madigan told him, “there’s one thing you can do.”

The speaker then convinced Solis to help Andrew Madigan get a meeting with officials at The Resurrection Project, a Pilsen not-for-profit. The agency ultimately hired Andrew Madigan’s firm, leading to the $43,000 in payments.

Neither Andrew Madigan nor Kevin Quinn have been accused of wrongdoing regarding their receipt of the money.

Michael Madigan spent a record 36 years leading the Illinois House of Representatives, where he controlled legislation that shaped every facet of life across the state. He resigned in 2021, shortly after charges were filed against McClain and three others with ties to ComEd.

The investigation, which dates back to 2014, led to charges against roughly 20 people. Nine were sentenced to prison, including Burke. and Acevedo.

Contributing: Dave McKinney and Matthew Hendrickson