Why do we still prefer to hide behind ‘big powers’?

According to Google maps, the Ledra Palace hotel in the buffer zone in Nicosia is a nine-minute drive from the Greek Cypriot leader’s workplace, and an eight-minute walk from the Turkish Cypriot leader’s. So, why do the two leaders and their negotiating teams have to fly 9,000 km to New York to discuss options for a solution for Cyprus?

In relation to the “Cyprus problem”, Cypriots often say “if it were left to us, we would have resolved our differences long ago”. This is qualified by the explanation that the British imposed their will on Cyprus in 1960 through a constitution that neither Turkish, nor Greek Cypriots were happy with, triggering the collapse of the communal relationships in 1963-64. The Americans, the British, Greece, Turkey and the United Nations have also been roundly criticised for their actions in various critical situations by Cypriots.

Yet, if we look at the reality of what’s happening right now, what we see is that both communities are still preferring to hide behind “big powers”, and in doing so internationalising the problem, rather than approaching their counterparts directly for the resolution of their own “personal” conflict.

The children’s playground mentality of “my big brother is bigger than yours, and we will get our own way no matter what you say” predominates.

The Turkish Cypriots claim that as they are the “smaller child” in the Cyprus “playground”, they need support from Turkey, their “big brother” in everything they do, including negotiations. Of course, as they have become fully integrated with mainland Turkey in terms of trade, commerce, currency, travel, security and sporting and cultural activities over half a century, they have less of a choice over the inclusion of Turkey in negotiations than they did a few decades ago.

The Greek Cypriots also expect their “big brother” Greece to come to their support, come what may, as a natural consequence of their Hellenic kinship. 

Efforts are also being made by the Greek Cypriot side to ratchet-up further support by persuading other “kids on the block” to come on side. This includes the European Commission as a whole and France in particular. In relation to the USA, the biggest “big brother” on the block, a deal was brokered by former Cyprus President Nicos Anastasiades and the now disgraced Robert Menendez, the then chairman of the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee in September 2022 to lift the US arms embargo on Cyprus, creating a new period of entente cordiale. With Cyprus now also assisting the USA with its Israeli operations, there may be an expectation that USA will become another “big brother” and influence the Cyprus talks in its favour.

There is a similar situation with the UK, though the British policy towards Cyprus in the recent years can only be described as “ambiguous”. Overtures have also been made to China for its political support through the “One-China and One-Cyprus” doctrine which equivalences the unification of China and Taiwan with that of Greek and Turkish Cypriots of Cyprus.

But surely, we know from experience that involving the bigger powers comes at a cost. They do not just support one side or the other. They also incorporate their own best interests in any deal.

Addressing Cypriots’ wishes is essential because, after all is said and done, it is they who will share the island and face the consequences of any agreement as co-habitants. One side, twisting the arm of the other through their “big-brothers” to make them agree to something that they are not happy with is also a dangerous step. It carries the risk of failure at the implementation stage of any plan, with potentially catastrophic consequences. Cypriots know what this means through bitter experiences.

It is not true that there is only one approach to solving the Cyprus problem, which is cast in concrete. During the 1960s and early 1970s, the Greek Cypriot side’s desired solution was expressed as a “unitary, sovereign, independent state”.  At that time, the Turkish Cypriots were insisting on an “independent federal solution”. Following the tragic events of 1974, these positions changed into the “bizonal, bicommunal federation”, through the 1977 and 1979 agreements. All attempts to agree a solution on this basis have failed since then.

The late Nicos Rolandis, a former Greek Cypriot Minister of Foreign Affairs and Commerce and Industry summed up the consequences of the passage of time, and addressed many politicians’ complaints about “ineffective processes”. In February 2014 he wrote “In an article of mine in January 2008, I set forth 15 plans which were proposed to us from 1948 (Consultative Assembly) until 2004 (Annan Plan) as a solution to our problem. We rejected almost all of them. So, which are the ineffective processes to which we refer? Are they the ones we have been rejecting during the past 60 years which are getting worse and worse as time goes by, because the faits-accomplis are gradually solidified?”

The late former President Glafcos Clerides had a similar view, expressed in his book Documents of an Era. “The postponement of the solution of the Cyprus problem to the remote future will have only one consequence: The recognition of the legal entity of the de facto regime, even without any sovereignty, so that its isolation will be lifted.”

The feared timescale of half a century has now elapsed and the deep embedding of the two separate communities in the north and south is complete. It is not difficult to see that a two state, or a confederal approach, which addresses land, property and security issues to the satisfaction of the Greek Cypriots will have to be put on the table sooner or later for negotiation alongside the federal approach.

The UN secretary-general has confirmed that there is currently no common ground between the two sides. The only logical thing that can happen is for the two local leaders to literally get on their bikes and sit down to discuss all options without preconditions, with sincerity and honesty, and come up with a realistic plan of action. 

Fahri Zihni is former chair of Council of Turkish Cypriot Associations (UK), a former policy advisor at the UK’s Cabinet Office and a former president of the Society of IT Management, UK